According to reports from sources in Iran, the scheduled executions have been postponed until Saturday morning. The source that contacted IHR underlined that the sentences have not been stopped but only postponed for another two or three days.

It is believed that media attention on the case, both from inside and outside Iran, may be a main reason why the executions were not carried out today.

None of the prisoners have been in contact with their families since yesterday.

According to sources from Iran, Majid Sedighi, the brother of one of the prisoners, was arrested last night by Iranian Intelligence forces, allegedly for giving interviews to the international media, such as VOA and BBC.

In a comment on the postponement of the executions, Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, the spokesperson of IHR said: “We urge the international community to do whatever they can to stop these executions. We have two days to save these people.”

IHR published names of five of the 10 prisoners scheduled for execution today:

• Saeed Sedighi, 31 years old (picture)
• Abbas Namaki, 39 years old, father of two children
• Hamid Rabiei, 31 years old
• Mohammad Ali Rabiei, 55 years old, father of Hamid
• Ali Darvish, 44 years old

IHR has also received information about a sixth prisoner whose name will not be published.

The prisoners were issued death sentences for drug-related charges.

IHR has received reports indicating that several of the prisoners have been subjected to torture and forced confessions.

Earlier this week, IHR urged the UN and any country which has diplomatic ties with Iran to use all their channels to stop these executions.

AUTHOR: Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam
URL: http://iranhr.net/
E-MAIL: amirymoghaddam [at] gmail.com

On October 8, the Chihuahua government announced that it had captured the assassin of Marisela, who confessed to authorities. José Enrique Jiménez, (“El Wicked”)  told the press that he shot Escobedo on orders from the Zetas. He said Sergio Barraza, who murdered Rubí, was a member of the Zetas and Escobedo’s very public mission to bring him to justice upset the nation’s most ruthless organized crime group.

But human rights organizations have their doubts regarding the resolution of the crime. Luz Esthela Castro, Escobedo’s attorney noted in Reforma (Oct. 9, 2012) that the government already “solved” the case, announcing in December 2011 it stated that investigations had established the guilt of Hector Flores, a decesased crime figure. But videos of the crime show only one shooter.

Castro also noted that the latest alleged assassin used unusual legal terms in his confession, implying he had been coached. The governor of Chihuahua, Cesar Duarte, reacted angrily to the doubts raised by human rights organizations.

“Whoever doubts, is simply adding elements to try to make sure that things are not resolved,” he told Reforma.

The murders of Marisela Escobedo and her daughter Rubí are on a short list of crimes against women presented to the Federal Attorney General’s Office (PGR) by an international delegation of women human rights defenders and journalists led by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Jody Williams. These crimes were identified as priorities for the gravity of the crimes and as a signal that the Mexican government was serious about investigating and prosecuting crimes of violence against women.

Everyone wants to see this brutal assassin behind bars–that’s why as the Mexico host committee and the delegation we included the case on the list of priorities. But there has been a recent spate of captures and cases being closed in the final days of the Calderón government that are surrounded

For more information on Marisela Escobedo’s case and the demand to the PGR, see the report from the delegation organized by Just Associates and the Nobel Women’s Initiative that I had the privilege of being part of here.

After talking with colleagues in JASS and others about the recent developments in this important case, the concern is, first, that we could be seeing another case of scapegoats presented to deflect public pressure and criticism.

Second, if this is the assassin, the problem remains that the men who hired him and Sergio Barraza who killed Rubí are still at large. The justice system that repeatedly failed to prosecute and then imprison the guilty is still deeply flawed. And the public safety system that stood by as a woman human rights defender was shot practically on the steps of the state building still cannot guarantee women’s safety.

AUTHOR: Laura Carlsen
URL: www.cipamericas.org and http://americasmexico.blogspot.com
E-MAIL: lecarlsen [at] gmail.com

A human rights group, Justice for Iran has published the names of five of the prisoners:

• Saeed Sedighi, 31 years old (picture)
• Abbas Namaki, 39 years old, father of two children
• Hamid Rabiei, 31 years old
• Mohammad Ali Rabiei, 55 years old, father of Hamid)
• Ali Darvish, 44 years old
• All the prisoners are allegedly convicted of drug-related charges.

Iran Human Rights (IHR) strongly condemns the scheduled executions, which are to take place one day after the World Day against the Death Penalty. Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, the spokesperson for IHR, urged the international community to react. He said: “We ask the UN and all countries with diplomatic ties with Iran to do use all their channels to stop these executions”.

Earlier today, IHR together with four other NGOs published an open letter to the UN and authorities of several countries that have been cooperating with Iran to fight drug trafficking to halt all aid to Iran, until the Iranian authorities have abolished the death penalty for drug-related crimes.

AUTHOR: Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam
URL: http://iranhr.net/
E-MAIL: amirymoghaddam [at] gmail.com

The full text of the letter calling for the moratorium can be read below or downloaded here. The Farsi version of the letter can be read HERE.

According to reports from human rights groups that document executions in Iran from both official and unofficial sources, roughly 650 executions were carried out in 2010 and 676 in 2011. So far, in 2012, at least 330 individuals have been executed. Of these executions, it is estimated that more than 70% are of individuals sentenced to death under the Islamic Republic’s Anti-Narcotics Law, which mandates the death penalty for a wide range of drug-related offenses.

The letter—which is jointly signed by Justice for Iran, Iran Human Rights, Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, Arseh Sevom and Ensemble contre la peine de mort (ECPM)—addresses its concerns to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and country donors including Norway, Canada, the UK, France, Germany, Poland, Belgium, Ireland and Japan which provide funding to the Islamic Republic’s anti-drug trafficking programs.

Shadi Sadr, Executive Director of London-based Justice for Iran, says:

“Our research shows how thousands of people, including women who are the single-income providers for their children, have been sentenced to death without minimum standards of due process whilst Iranian judges and other authorities that bear responsibility in these severe violations of human rights enjoy absolute impunity.”

Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, spokesperson for Iran Human Rights—a Norwegian-based group that focuses on documenting executions in Iran—maintains that

“the fact that Iranian authorities execute several hundred people every year on drug-related charges, and then proudly announce these executions, shows that the nature of international collaboration in combating the trafficking of illegal drugs through Iran may be sending the wrong signals to the Iranian authorities. Any aid provided to Iran to fight drug trafficking must be contingent on whether the Iranian authorities are willing to abolish the death penalty for drug-related charges.”

Gissou Nia, Executive Director of the US-based Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, further notes that

“though largely cosmetic, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s recent amendments to its Islamic Penal Code that purport to abolish stoning for adultery and juvenile executions demonstrate that the IRI does care about international perceptions of its execution laws. In contrast, the IRI has only made mandatory execution laws for drug-related offenses even harsher in recent years. The international community must send a strong message, not only through words but through a cut-off of funding to Iran’s anti-drug trafficking programs, that the high numbers of executions in Iran is unacceptable.”

While human rights groups have raised concerns to the Iranian government about the mandatory death sentencing for drug-related offenses, the Iranian authorities have failed to respond to this criticism in any meaningful fashion. The letter calls on UNODC and donor countries to stop funding the Islamic Republic’s anti-drug trafficking programs until the Islamic Republic ceases its application of the death penalty to those convicted of drug-related offenses.

Letter:

To: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Governments of Norway, Canada, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Poland, Belgium, Ireland & Japan
Cc: Dr. Ahmed Shaheed, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights Situation in Iran, United Nations Human Rights Council, European Union

We, the undersigned organizations, strongly oppose the continuing use of the death penalty in the Islamic Republic of Iran. We are concerned that the Islamic Republic’s radical policies, which allegedly aim to eradicate drug-trafficking and result in the execution of several hundred prisoners every year, are supported in part by international funding.

Of the countries that continue to apply the death penalty in their domestic jurisdictions, the Islamic Republic leads in number of executions per capita. Many of these executions are conducted in secret and go unreported by official sources.

According to reports from human rights groups that document executions in Iran from both official and unofficial sources, roughly 650 executions were carried out in 2010 and 670 in 2011. At the time of the publication of this statement, at least 329 individuals have been executed in 2012. Of these executions, it is estimated that more than 70% are for drug-related offenses.

Pursuant to Article 6(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a State Party, countries that have not abolished the death penalty may only sentence someone to death for the “most serious crimes”. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, a body of independent experts that monitors implementation of the ICCPR by its State parties, has found on numerous occasions that drug-related offenses do not meet the criterion of “most serious crimes.”

Nonetheless, Iranian authorities have been unabashed in their application of the death penalty to individuals convicted of drug-related offenses. In June 2011, Mahmoud Zoghi, the prosecutor of Mashhad, said: “Considering the number of cases we have had, these many hangings are proportionally adequate. Foreign media is exaggerating the issue for no reason.”

The Islamic Republic’s Anti-Narcotics Law mandates the death penalty in cases of possession or trafficking of more than a specified amount of various drugs. The range of offenses punishable by death was broadened with a series of amendments to the Anti-Narcotics Law that came into force in January 2011. The amended law mandates the death penalty for a wider range of illegal drugs—including the possession or trafficking of more than 30 grams of methamphetamine.

According to reports from human rights groups, many of those executed are arrested on spurious charges of alleged drug trafficking, are interrogated without a lawyer present, have confessions extracted under torture admitted as evidence against them in court, are convicted without legal counsel or the ability to review the evidence against them and sentenced to death without a right of appeal.

Too often, the targets of these sweeping anti-drug laws are the most vulnerable members of Iranian society. Poor and marginalized groups, including ethnic minorities and foreign nationals who have been historically discriminated against by the Iranian government, are targeted by the Islamic Republic’s drug laws, as are single mothers who, with no other means to support their children, engage in drug trafficking to feed their children.

In addition to the cruel and inhumane treatment of those sentenced to death under these anti-drug laws, the imposition of the mandatory death penalty for these offenses has a deleterious effect on Iranian society as a whole. Executions carried out at large public gatherings, often with young children in attendance, have the effect of normalizing the use of the death penalty and state-sanctioned violence in Iranian society.

Also, while Iranian officials maintain that execution of drug traffickers is effective in combating the abuse and sale of drugs, there is no clear evidence to support this. Many of those executed are not at the top of the drug sale chain and drug use in Iran is on the rise. Recent statistics on opiate abuse place Iran second in the world in the percentage of the population using opiates, exceeded only by Afghanistan. The rate of addiction to high-potency heroin is also on the rise, especially among the youth.

While human rights groups have raised concerns to the Iranian government about the mandatory death sentencing for drug-related offenses, the Iranian authorities have failed to respond to this criticism in any meaningful fashion. At the same time, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and country donors including Norway, Canada, the UK, France, Germany, Poland, Belgium, Ireland and Japan provide funding to the Islamic Republic for its anti-drug trafficking programs.

While we appreciate that country donors are trying to stop the flow of drugs into Europe and North America, the efforts of these Western governments should not result in human rights abuses in Iran and similarly situated countries. With no reason to believe it will be penalized by an international community that in fact funds these efforts, the Islamic Republic has continued its ongoing campaign of executing individuals for drug-related offenses with virtual impunity. Efforts by human rights defenders and others to request information through official channels about the nature of UNODC’s support to the Islamic Republic have been met with vague or otherwise unresponsive answers.

In light of the reasons enumerated above, we, the undersigned, set forth the following demands to the international community, including UNODC, states that donate or have donated in the past to UNODC, or other international government organizations engaged in anti-drug trafficking initiatives with the Islamic Republic:

• Immediately halt the provision of any monetary funds, services or other resources to the Iranian authorities for anti-drug trafficking purposes until such time the Iranian government renounces its policy of executing individuals for drug-related offenses.
• Demand that until the Iranian government renounces the policy of execution for drug-related offenses, funds only be used for treatment and other anti-drug initiatives unrelated to law enforcement.
• Impose strict transparency guidelines on any funding intended for treatment and other anti-drug initiatives unrelated to law enforcement, with strict guidelines on amounts and a detailed reporting of its specific use.

Signed on this 10th day of October 2012 (International Day against the Death Penalty) by:

• Arseh Sevom
• Iran Human Rights
• Iran Human Rights Documentation Center
• Justice for Iran
• Together against the Death Penalty/ Ensemble contre la peine de mort (ECPM)

AUTHOR: Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam
URL: http://iranhr.net/
E-MAIL: amirymoghaddam [at] gmail.com

The official website of the Iranian judiciary in Fars Province, reported that two of the prisoners were hanged publicly in different squares of Shiraz, while the three others were hanged inside Adelabad prison.

According to the report the prisoners were identified as “A. P.” convicted of carrying 185 kilograms of heroin and 72 kilograms of crack, “A. K.” convicted of participation in selling 39 kilos and 800 grams of opium and carrying 9 kilos and 960 grams of opium, “M. A.” convicted og carrying 4 kilograms of heroin, “A. S.” convicted og keeping and selling 29 kilograms of Marijuana and more than 14 kilograms of opium, and “A. Z.” convicted of keeping 2 kilograms of heroin.

Age and gender of the prisoners was not specified in the report.

According to Iran Human Rights’ annual report on the death penalty in 2011, more than 80% of those executed in Iran were charged with drug-related crimes, while only 9% of them were identified by their full names.

AUTHOR: Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam
URL: http://iranhr.net/
E-MAIL: amirymoghaddam [at] gmail.com

President Islam Karimov, Office of the President, Uzbekistan

Your Excellency,

I am William Nicholas Gomes, Human Rights Ambassador for Salem-News.com

I came to know about the situation from Front Line Defender.

On 27 September 2012, human rights defender Ms Gulshan Karaeva was arrested in her home in Qarshi and taken to a local police station where she was informed of charges brought against her. Gulshan Karaeva is Chairperson of the Kashkadarya regional branch of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan (HRSU). She was released on the same day after four hours’ detention at the police station.

Gulshan Karaeva was told at the police station that she had been charged under two articles of the Criminal Code: article 139, “Slander”, and article 140, “Insult”. These charges are based on allegations by two women who Gulshan Karaeva suspects of working for the National Security Service (SNB). These two women attacked members of the human rights defender’s family on 19 July 2012, and later have accused Gulshan Karaeva of calling them prostitutes, although the human rights defender denies ever having made such statements. Gulshan Karaeva was detained for four hours at the police station, after which she was released.

Gulshan Karaeva has previously been the subject of threats and intimidation. On 19 May 2012, two women attacked the human rights defender in a local shop, beating her on the head. The attackers attempted to take her outside of the shop but she managed to seek help and the two women were removed from the shop. That same day, unknown persons sprayed the gate and walls of the human rights defender’s home and that of her neighbour, with explicit and abusive graffiti. These incidents are believed to be related to Gulshan Karaeva’s public statement issued on 5 May 2012, in which she declared that she had refused a proposal of cooperation put to her by the SNB.

On 7 July 2011, Gulshan Karaeva’s dog was poisoned. In addition to this, she received threatening phone calls from unknown individuals. The following day, she was attacked by Mr Arif Pardayev, a resident of Kashkadarya region, who was travelling in the same taxi as the human rights defender from Tashkent to Qarshi.

In light of the previous threats, physical attacks and intimidation directed at Gulshan Karaeva, I express serious concern for her security, and her physical and psychological integrity as well as that of her children, one of whom is disabled. I view these charges as part of an ongoing campaign of threats and intimidation against Gulshan Karaeva, as a result of her legitimate and peaceful human rights work in Uzbekistan.

I call upon the authorities of Uzbekistan to:

1. Immediately drop all charges against Gulshan Karaeva as it is believed that they are solely motivated by her legitimate and peaceful work in defence of human rights;

2. Take all necessary measures to guarantee the physical and psychological integrity and security of Gulshan Karaeva, as well as that of her family members;

3. Take measures to ensure that all human rights defenders in Uzbekistan, while carrying out their legitimate work in the defence of human rights, are able to operate without fear of reprisals and free of all restrictions and reprisals, including judicial harassment.

AUTHOR: William Nicholas Gomes
URL: www.williamgomes.org
E-MAIL: williamgomes.org [at] gmail.com

The denial of medical treatment is a way by which Iranian authorities put pressure on political prisoners.

Zanyar and Loghman Moradi are two political prisoners who, under torture, signed a document holding them responsible for the murder of a regime official that took place in a Kurdish city in Iran.

According to a report by Dr. Ahmed Shaheed, the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran, Zanyar and Loghman Moradi been subjected to torture and threatened with rape.

Neither of these two political prisoners have been allowed visits with their families in more than six months.

AUTHOR: Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam
URL: http://iranhr.net/
E-MAIL: amirymoghaddam [at] gmail.com

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Prime Minister, Turkey, receptayyip.erdogan@basbakanlik.gov.tr

Dear Prime Minister,

I am William Nicholas Gomes, Human Rights Ambassador for Salem-News.com.

I came to know that OMCT  has been informed by reliable sources about the arbitrary arrest of Mr. Ali Tanrıverdi, Chairperson of the Mersin Branch of the Human Rights Association (İnsan Haklari Derneği – İHD).

According to the information received, in the early morning of September 25, 2012, police teams of Mersin Security Directorate carried out simultaneous raids in the province of Mersin, in the context of operations targeting the Kurdish Communities Union (KCK) – an organisation said to be the “urban branch” of the armed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). These operations resulted in the arrest of at least 42 people, including Mr. Ali Tanrıverdi, together with journalists and members of the Kurdish political party Peace and Democracy Party (BDP). Mr. Ali Tanrıverdi’s house was raided while the office of İHD was simultaneously searched for four hours and electronic devices were seized, without any search warrant being produced and while the executives of the organisation were not present. Mr. Tanrıverdi was reportedly not allowed to call his lawyer during the raid on his house, and he and other detainees were informed that they would not be authorised to consult their lawyers during 24 hours.

I recall that this new wave of arbitrary arrests and detentions is part of a wide-range anti-terrorism operation, initiated in 2009 and intended to dismantle the KCK as an alleged “terrorist network”. In fact, this campaign has targeted dozens of peaceful activists who have been involved in advocating for a peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue and are not involved in any terrorist acts. These peaceful activists include human rights defenders in Turkey, particularly İHD members, members of trade unions, lawyers and journalists.

Consequently, I recall that 12 other İHD members are currently in pre-trial detention pending the outcome of trials on spurious terrorism-related charges: Messrs. Muharrem Erbey and Arslan Özdemir, Diyarbakır Branch Executives; Messrs. Şerif Süren and Orhan Çiçek, Aydın Branch Executives; Mr. Reşit Teymur, Siirt Branch Executive; Mr. Abdulkadir Çurğatay and Ms. Veysi Parıltı, Mardin Branch Executives; Doğubeyazıt Representative Şaziye Önder; Mr. Mensur Işık Muş, former Branch Chairperson; Mr. Hikmet Kapancı, Malatya Executive; Mr. Bekir Gürbüz, Adıyaman Branch former Chairperson and Mr. Osman Işçi, former staff of the General Centre.

Accordingly, I call upon the Turkish authorities to put an end to the continuing harassment of human rights defenders and urges the Turkish authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders currently held in detention, since their detention is arbitrary as it only aim at sanctioning their human rights activities.

Actions requested:

i. Guarantee in all circumstances the physical and psychological integrity of Messrs. Ali Tanrıverdi, as well as that of all human rights defenders in Turkey;

ii. Release immediately and unconditionally Messrs. Ali Tanrıverdi, as well as all human rights defenders since their detention is arbitrary as it only aim at sanctioning their human rights activities;

iii. Put an end to all acts harassment, including at the judicial level, against Messrs. Ali Tanrıverdi, as well as against all human rights defenders in Turkey;

i. Comply with the provisions of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, especially its Article 1, which states that “everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realisation of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels”, as well as Article 12.2, which provides that “the State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration” ;

ii. More generally, ensure in all circumstances the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international and regional human rights instruments ratified by Turkey.

AUTHOR: William Nicholas Gomes
URL: www.williamgomes.org
E-MAIL: williamgomes.org [at] gmail.com

Simon Denyer/The Washington Post – Children rescued from a bangle-making factory in New Delhi after a police raid on Sept.5, 2012. More than 90,000 children go missing in India every year, many of them sold into forced labor on farms and in factories.

Every six minutes, a child goes missing in India.

They are boys like Irfan, drugged and abducted at the age of 9 by two men on a motorbike as he walked home one day after playing with friends.

“It was living hell these past two years, trying to figure out where we could find him,” said his father, Iqbal Ali. “I used to run a biscuit bakery, but from the day he disappeared, I got so caught up trying to meet politicians, police and people who claim to do magic to get children back, that I had to shut down my bakery. I had no time for it.”

More than 90,000 children are officially reported missing every year, according to data compiled and released late last year by leading children’s rights group Bachpan Bachao Andolan, which showed the problem was far greater than previously thought.

Up to 10 times that number are trafficked, according to the group — boys and girls, most from poor families, torn from their parents, sometimes in return for cash, and forced to beg or work in farms, factories and homes, or sold for sex and marriage.

It is an epidemic that, until a few years ago, remained unreported and largely ignored by the authorities.

But years of tireless work by activists, a few crucial victories in court — and the shocking discovery of the bones of 17 slain girls and young women around a businessman’s home in a suburb of New Delhi called Nithari in 2006 — have gradually put the issue on the nation’s agenda.

India’s 24-hour news channels have also played a role in highlighting an issue long tolerated by the country’s middle classes. The media frenzy surrounding the Nithari killings was a watershed, reminiscent of the way the disappearance of Etan Patz in Manhattan in 1979 helped spark the missing-children’s movement in the United States.

In recent weeks, footage from surveillance cameras — a new phenomenon in modern India — has also been repeatedly broadcast on television here, showing infants being brazenly snatched from train stations and hospital lobbies as parents slept nearby.

“A couple of decades ago, there was no understanding of the issue of missing children or trafficking for forced labor — child labor was not even considered a crime,” said Bhuwan Ribhu, an activist for the children’s rights group. “Though things are slowly changing, the biggest issue is the lack of political and administrative will to enforce the law, which is often outside the reach of the common person.”

Irfan suffered perhaps the most common fate — kidnapped to satisfy India’s insatiable demand for cheap, agricultural labor.

In India and many other developing countries, children often work in agriculture. What is only now becoming apparent is the huge trafficking industry that has grown up outside the law.

Irfan’s story, though, has a happy ending. Last month, after more than two years away, he finally made it home to his joyous parents, after climbing on a chair in the shed where he was held and breaking a window with an earthen vase to escape.

“I was supposed to bathe the buffalo, to feed them, to pick up the dung,” he said, describing his life imprisoned in virtual solitary confinement in a room adjoining a buffalo shed outside the town of Mullanpur, some 200 miles northwest of Delhi.

“I was fed just once a day, just leftovers. When I used to shriek and make a fuss, they would tie my hands and feet at night.”

After escaping, Irfan found shelter with another family for several months. Then, last month, as the media furor about missing children reached its peak, he saw photographs of his parents and himself on a TV show.

Only then did he journey back to the New Delhi district of Nangloi, the only address he had in his memory.

“I took the train to Delhi, and a bus to Nangloi,” he said, “but when I arrived it had all changed. Before, there was no overpass, no metro. It looked like a completely different place to me.”

After half an hour of wandering, Irfan says he bumped into a friend, who took him home.

“We were just overwhelmed with happiness,” said his mother, Shabnam. “We went and got new clothes made for all of us. All his old clothes were too small, because he had grown so tall.”

Young laborers

Kidnapping represents just the tip of the iceberg of a vast child-trafficking industry in India. Many young children are sold by their parents or enticed from them with the promise that they will be looked after and be able to send money home. Never registered as missing, many simply lose touch with their parents, working long hours in garment factories or making cheap jewelry.

Globally, trafficking of children for forced labor and sexual exploitation remains a “largely hidden crime,” says the International Labor Organization, with no reliable data even existing on the scale of the problem.

The organization makes a “conservative estimate” that 5.5 million children around the world are trapped in forced labor, but in India alone the government uses estimates of 5 million to 12 million children forced to work.

On a recent raid with activists and police, 36 children were rescued from a series of tiny rooms where they were making bangles for 10 hours, some for just $4 a month.

One was just 6 years old, the son of a rickshaw puller from the faraway city of Patna, his hair and skin covered in glitter from the work. “They didn’t let me talk to my mother on the phone,” he said.

Last month, the Indian government proposed a blanket ban on the employment of children younger than 14, building on a 2009 law that established a child’s right to education until that age. Activists hailed the proposal, which now needs parliamentary approval, as a major step forward, but warned that enforcement will remain a significant challenge.

The U.S. State Department says India is making “significant efforts” to comply with minimum global standards for the elimination of trafficking, but notes challenges in enforcement and “the alleged complicity of public officials in human trafficking.”

Little help for the missing

The parents of several missing children interviewed in the past month said they had received little or no help from the police, largely, they said, because they were poor.

“The police were very cold. They just kept saying: ‘A lot of kids are missing. What can we do?’ ” said Kunwar Pal, 48, whose son, Ravi, was 12 when he went missing two years ago after going out to ride his bicycle. “Maybe if I had the money to pay a bribe, they would have found my kid.”

Nearly 450,000 cases of children trafficked for labor were reported in the past three years, but prosecutions were launched in just 25,000 of those cases and 3,394 employers were convicted, official figures show.

Twelve years ago, Pal’s wife died in childbirth, their infant daughter succumbing to diarrhea soon after. Now, in his bare one-roomed house, he pines for his favorite son, an obedient, undemanding and studious boy who dreamed of becoming a detective.

“He liked soap operas on TV, one called ‘CID,’ and he used to say he wanted to study and be educated and become a policeman,” said Pal, before breaking down in tears. “I am always expecting a call. ‘Papa, can I come home?’ ”

Rama Lakshmi and Suhasini Raj contributed to this report.

THIS ARTICLE WAS ALSO PUBLISHED IN THE WASHINGTON POST.

AUTHOR: Bachpan Bachao Andolan
URL: http://www.bba.org.in
E-MAIL: info [at] bba.org.in