NL-Aid is an example of an advanced blog with many visitors: 1200-1500 unique visitors every day, 15,000 a month. Every day, 4,000 article were opened, 30,000 every month. On a top day, we had 4,500 unique visitors. I thank all of them.

I would like to invite you to read my last article on Monday, October 15, 2012.
NL-Aid will end with a big bang.

All best,
Hans Sluijter
Administrator and owner of NL-Aid

AUTHOR: Hans Sluijter
URL: www.NL-Aid.org
E-MAIL: info [at] www.NL-Aid.org

An artisan in Hebron works on a design created by Majd Abdel Hamid
(Annelys de Vet)

Jewelry is intimately connected to resistance in Palestine. On a recent trip to the West Bank, the designer Annelys de Vet learned of how prisoners smuggle little gifts out of jail. The most prized possessions among Palestinians include beautifully hand-decorated jewels that prisoners make for their children.

De Vet is a curator of the Disarming Design project, which aims to bring to market collections of Palestinian design products for the bedroom, kitchen, living room, garden and even a collection of toys.

Prototypes of the products have been developed at a workshop hosted by the International Academy of Arts Palestine in Ramallah. Disarming Design is supported by UNESCO, the UN’s Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, and the Dutch anti-poverty organization ICCO.

De Vet is head of the design department of the Amsterdam-based Sandberg Institute and runs a design studio in Brussels. The project’s coordinator, Majd Abdel Hamid, studied art in Ramallah, as well as in Malmö in Sweden.

Hamid and de Vet spoke to The Electronic Intifada contributor Adri Nieuwhof about the project.

Adri Nieuwhof: How did the project Disarming Design come about and does the name express the meaning of the project?

Annelys de Vet: Mieke Zagt from ICCO approached me with the question if I could think of strategies to make Palestinian products more attractive for a contemporary international market. She explained how many beautiful products she sees in Palestine, but never finds them in Dutch warehouses [department stores]. I came up with the idea of developing a collection of Palestinian products by contemporary artists, designers and local craftsmen, creating new possibilities out of the existing resources and production methods.

The project has a slightly provocative title: “Disarming Design from Palestine.” It is an artistic project with strong conceptual thinking [behind it]. In that way it shows the quality of the Palestinian people without portraying them as [only] victims.

At the same time, it [the project] does not ignore the situation but reflects upon the situation. The products can unveil parts of the Palestinian reality, tell a different story to an international audience. I approached Khaled Hourani, the director of the International Academy of Arts Palestine, to develop this project with him and the academy. He responded more than enthusiastically.

Majd Abdel Hamid: About the name Disarming Design, there is a cultural aspect of language. I like the name. I know what it means. But the problem is that “disarming” always takes you to an idea that something is armed and this proved to be a little controversial when I was talking to and inviting artists. We are still thinking about the title, how to maneuver around it, play with the name without creating some kind of controversy of talking about Palestinian design as armed design. Disarming Design is a working title.

AN: What are your impressions of the Palestinian artists and craftspeople you have met?

AV: Both the craftsmen and the artists responded very enthusiastically to our project, and especially to the opportunity to experiment. It’s not a common thing for artists to think about collaborating with craftsmen. In general they are separated groups. Just by visiting the workshops, the artists and designers got many new ideas. There were already some brilliant ideas and projects, that can get a new platform through our design collection. In western societies most small workshops and [associated] skills have unfortunately disappeared. And with them the knowledge and respect for resources and processes of making also vanished. Craftsmen have knowledge in their hands and express that through the material. It was enriching to meet many highly skilled and committed craftsmen in Palestine.

AN: Does the Israeli occupation or the Palestinian nation play a role in the design?

MA: Of course, occupation plays a role even in how you perceive things, I mean visually speaking. My generation, we have a distorted perception of space. It is distorted in how you see, how you look at things. You have many affiliations, you have the wall, you have all these boundaries on movement. You talk about the last ten years where people were mostly living in one city, they don’t really move around the West Bank. They are just living with one community. So the occupation has a lot of influence [on the design], but it is indirect. You can see it visually, in the language, in the development of the work. You can find traces of this. But at the same time it should not be literal, it should not be like one layer, as “an occupation” or “against occupation.” It is not about the just cause of Palestinians, or a political debate. It is about a beautiful product and the history of it and the people who are doing it.

AV: Yes, very much. For instance, only some resources are easy to get and for most it is difficult, impossible or too expensive. That plays a role in the project. But also in the meaning of all the products themselves the occupations plays a role, because they reflect on the situation. What I see with Palestinian artists is that it is impossible to deny the reality outside the [studio]. You can’t “just make art.” You have to take a position in what it means to make art in a situation of occupation, in this political impossible reality. That clearly influences the art and design works.

AN: Did the cooperation between the artists, students and craftspeople from Palestine and the Dutch Sandberg Institute bring new energy?

MA: It is very interesting to see the relationship. For instance, we had three students from the Netherlands who were staying with me [in Palestine]. I was telling them that I know that this experience is intense. It does not matter if this is the first time or fifth time you are in Palestine. It is a charged atmosphere. Politically, the situation is now unstable, and with all these demonstrations. There is this collaboration but it takes a little bit of time to develop knowledge about what you can do, how we can work, to actually see the country, understand the layers. I think they bring something really important and they also get something very important. The collaboration brings out a very interesting dynamic, a kind of visual debate between two very different visual languages. Someone with a western background and someone from here, it is very different. Then we have this negotiation and this is interesting, to see how it works.

AN: What did the cooperation bring the Palestinian craftsmen, students and artists?

MA: I have been dealing with craftsmen and I think they are really excited about this project. They feel really marginalized, which is true. They have this threat of China that is ruining all these small shops, all the production of the craftsmen. Everyone is importing cheap products from China which have overtaken the market. There is this aspect of showing the craftsmen that we care they are there, by working with them. I really appreciate the personal contact with these craftsmen, to see them interested in the work and trying to find solutions for the problems that come up with the product.

The other part is that the artists themselves, when you think about what it means to create a fork or a table spoon from olive wood from Bethlehem. This brings a lot of questions. It helps people to grow, to have a fresh perspective on the esthetics of this country and the products, and on us as cultural practitioners what are we producing. It influences the discourse of art as a culture itself. I am really optimistic about this project, because it is a continuation, it is not just two months and then you stop. Hopefully, we can introduce a design program at the art school [in Ramallah]. No one is studying design. We have technicians who know how to use software, but the concept of design as an art as philosophy does not exist.

AN: Can you give an example of an idea for a product that came up during the workshop which stands out or made you feel enthusiastic?

AV: Palestinian designer Wafa Meri created a contemporary interior for a hotel in Nablus in cooperation with Rashid Abdel Hamid, traditional manufacturers and female embroiderers. From this project Wafa will make a special “bedroom collection,” consisting of a pillowcase and a duvet cover with embroidered borders, a hand-woven bed-runner, a carpet in similar colors and a bed lamp made of olive tree branches. They all use production processes embedded in the cultural heritage.

MH: I am enthusiastic about the product I am working on. We were working with a jewelry designer and were talking about jewelry, rocks and precious stones. And then someone told about this small stone [jewel] he had made in jail. We developed the idea to use instead of precious stones or diamonds, we would use a rock that someone had sent out from prison, and make a very elegant, well-made necklace from it. It is playing on the idea of precious stones this personal relationship with a stone that is “worthless” but then we have the personal relationship. Then you can wear it. I am critical also of the commercial aspect of it, of selling this. At the same time, it is a statement. It is negotiation, it is not like it is good or bad.

I am also trying to develop a sand-clock, an hour glass made from crushed cement from the wall. It is completely Palestinian-made. So you have five minutes of the virtual life of the wall, but at the same time it is infinite because you can keep turning it.

AN: Do you think Palestinian investors will show interest in the products?

MA: I don’t see why not. With all the movement around the costs of living, there is this aspect of being part of the community and giving back, basically. It is not just about talking and demonstrating. It is about daily life, to work with the people, as many as possible, to actively create some help, so that people can still live, not suffocate or just emigrate out of the country. It is very important to invest in this.

AV: Yes, although it’s not an easy time for investors. But for this in particular we are collaborating Sam Bahour from AIM [Applied Information Management]. He is a business investor and joined the final presentation of the results of the workshop. He said that he was shocked by the quality of the presented prototypes and ideas. He said that it is the first time that there is a collection of contemporary design products from Palestine. Of course contemporary products exist, but they are never presented in a collection like [this]. Our design label will have a kitchen collection, bedroom collection, a garden and interior collection and even toys. Presenting the products in this context is a strong marketing tool, because of the bigger story it tells.

AN: Do you think it is possible to market the products outside Palestine?

AV: Yes, that’s the aim of the project. For the distribution of the products we collaborate with Alhoush [House of Arab Art and Design] in Amman [Jordan], who have experience with international distribution. We work with the Bethlehem Fair Trade Artisans who already have a lot of international orders. But first we will exhibit the collection of prototypes during the international Art Biannual Qalandiya International in November. Qalandiya International is an ambitious contemporary art event taking place in several Palestinian cities and villages. Seven prominent Palestinian cultural institutions that are focused on contemporary art and the Palestine cultural landscape collaborate to organize the event. The prototypes that we have developed for the Disarming Design collection will be presented by the International Academy of Arts. From there on we will investigate in taking products into production and develop a mobile and online design shop. Summer 2013 we expect to present this temporary shop in outstanding international museums and cultural platforms. And on the Internet, of course.

Further information on the Disarming Design project can be found on www.sandberg.nl

Adri Nieuwhof is a consultant and human rights advocate based in Switzerland.

Disclosure: The Electronic Intifada has received grants from ICCO.

AUTHOR: Adri Nieuwhof
URL: http://www.samora.org
E-MAIL: a.nieuwhof [at] samora.org

Introduction

Ze hebben 50,000 gegeven om hun verhaal aan de Diapora in Nederland te verkopen. Maar de steun die ze in NL aanboren is onstabiel en labiel, een groep die nergens geworteld is, en die zich nergens thuis voelt…..Wat ze doen is de mensen afhouden van de samenleving waaruit ze nooit meer vertrekken, om ze lekker te maken voor iets wat ze nooit zullen krijgen, nl stemrecht in Suriname (Natascha Adama, FACEBOOK).

(Dutch Translation: They spent 50,000 euro’s to sell their story to the Diaspora in the Netherlands, on an unstable and fragile support market. What is the purpose of this action, when taking into account that the Surinamese Diaspora in the Netherlands, specifically in Amsterdam South-East is not rooted in neither the Dutch society nor the Surinamese……Why are they (NDP) keeping the Diaspora rooting, given the fact that they will never leave, baiting them with voting rights, that will never be granted (by this government)

The 2010 elections in Suriname uncloaked a new support market, a market determined by the Diaspora in Europe. Why is this development so very interesting? And what is the relevance of said support market?

What immediately springs to mind is why is this category so important for the National Democratic Party (NDP), what are they trying to achieve by wooing a group of foreigners, albeit with Surinamese ancestry? Will they offer this category people the vote?

Separation of Nationality and The Rights of the Diaspora

The Independence treaty dictated a strict separation of nationalities, a legal separation that also became a social and economic divide, between Surinamese and the Diaspora. “We” in Suriname and “they” in “Holland”. The unambiguous character of the law on which this legal and social separation was build, was to rule out dual citizenship. Some members of the Surinamese government, the nationalist Eddy Bruma said that the Surinamese negotiators acquiesced to a monstrosity, and in fact betrayed the Surinamese people. Indeed very prophetic words, because the separation of nationality law infringed upon the rights of the citizens. Lawyers and law-makers had a hard time discerning the inner workings of this law, and could therefore not help repair the damage brought on by statelessness and loss of Dutch citizenship.

The issues surrounding citizenship enhanced the fraught, bitter and unequal relationship between Suriname and the Netherlands. At first it seemed that the Netherlands was calling the shots, specifically when after 1980, Surinamese citizens could only enter the Netherlands on a visa. The strict attitude of the Dutch government ensconced the fact that Suriname had up the 1980 exported its social and economic problems to the Netherlands: unemployment, lack of housing, political woes and economic misguidedness, all were exported, a demographic shift of epic proportions!

But the people who during the 1960 and 1970s sought economic refuge in the Netherlands came from different socio-economic backgrounds than the group that came in the 1950s and the people that came in the 1980s. The latter mentioned categories are typically better educated, middle class citizens, who left Suriname because of the political situation. This category had typically less difficulty to integrate into Dutch society and find employment. Specifically the group of immigrants that arrived in the 1950s are typically less interested in returning home.

At first people feared that the total loss of Dutch citizenship would prevent them from returning to their homes in case things did not work out. The political and economic situation in the 1980s and 1990s deterred many would-be immigrants from moving back to Suriname. There are no credible statistics on the number of people returning to Suriname, the Dutch Statistical Agency only records the number of people living the Netherlands. What we know is based on other sources, that 74% of Surinamese born, so called first generation immigrants, have indicated not to return to the motherland. This significant number might be interested to shuttle between the two countries, but of course that is private matter.

There is a small group of people living in Diaspora, whose identity appears to be closely connected to that what Suriname signifies, an identity tied to the soil, national pride and family relations. This brings us to a different dimension of identity, a dimension debated and prodded by a wide array of scholars. What actually constitutes identity? And what is the currency of identity? To make the aspect of identity more tangible, I want to focus on the plans by the incumbent government to grant the Diaspora certain social and economic rights, allowing them to work and live in Suriname, to start and own a business and to buy property.

It is unclear what brought on this move, because based on the aforementioned percentage, enthusiasm to return to the motherland is slight, at best.

Looking behind the backdrop of this plan, unveils a slew of ultier motives, a hidden agenda, to cash in on ‘identity’, ‘feelings of kinship’ and ‘nostalgia’…..For example, online discussion boards are swamped by individuals who decry the fact that they are discriminated against by the Dutch because of the color of their skin; Many of these individuals share the anti-colonial sentiments kindled by the incumbency,many also share the notion that the Netherlands has to compensate the descendants of slavery.

But it was the voting advice uttered during a speech by the Surinamese envoy, Jules Wijdenbos that tied the lose ends together. Mr Wijdenbos asserted that the Dutch treat Surinamese citizens ‘bad’, and that they should vote for a party that treats Surinamese better…..He also lamented the bad blood between the two governments, stating that the Surinamese government will no longer pay courtesy to the ‘high and mighty’ Dutch….Indeed the words of ‘nationalist’, a man whose mission consists of challenging the former colonizer, a man still living in the past. A man who appears to be living in a different reality, because in the recent months, the focus of Dutch foreign policy is firmly set on the European Union and Greece.

But what is the value of these words, when placed in terms of concrete action? Will it help the Diaspora, specifically the category that feels disenfranchised and marginalized by the Dutch government?

Political Support and Voting Rights

Before answering that question, it is imperative to find out if the social category in Suriname, specifically the category comparable to the Diaspora in Amsterdam South East (where the envoy gave voting advice) shows signs of social and economic improvement. In other words can the incumbent empower the Diaspora, by granting them certain rights, given the fact that their domestic track-record on reducing poverty and job creation is poor, at best?

What if anything will the Diaspora gain from this possible citizenship, given the fact that in Suriname today debate and opinion occur in the confines of society? What is the added value of moving from a free society to a partly free society, beside reaffirmation of identity and blood-ties?

Why did these people leave Suriname, in the first place? Was it not to escape poverty, lack of housing, and economic uncertainties? The social welfare state in the Netherlands remedied all these ailments, providing housing and economic security, without demanding that they become actual citizens. In fact the Netherlands always assumed that people would return to the fatherland, and consistently supported foundations and organisations, typically run by Surinamese, that claimed to work on solutions or schemes for return. There are no publications indicating possible success; a transformation in Dutch policy to drastically cut down subsidies for this type of foundation is also not a viable indicator, because said policy was brought on by other objectives.

There are other aspects that strengthen the notion that the Diaspora stands to gain little from this arrangement, other than perhaps a few token privileges. The incumbent government most likely bets on the docility of this specific category, their proclivity to abstain from political participation and their opportunism will benefit the Surinamese government tremendously. The fact that many feel disenfranchised by the Dutch government will help the Surinamese government to establish a solid support base abroad.

Indeed, there are indications that this category is supportive of the current Surinamese presidency. I found an intricate web of networks that run from the underworld back to the upper world, networks involving the earlier mentioned foundations and organizations, that help spread the message of “neo-colonialism” , “White Oppression”, Uncle Toms and Bounties. These networks also involve a number of individuals previously active in foundations and grass root organizations that worked to empower specific social categories., and who are currently active as consultants in Suriname.

Conclusion

The relevance of the Surinamese Diaspora will however become more clear if the crisis in Suriname really starts to hurt the socially and economically weak. At this moment, things are slowly but surely progressing in a downward fashion. Poverty and unemployment are on the rise, while political infighting and corruption are soaring. There are strong indications that democracy is under tremendous pressure; observers mention lack of public opinion and debate, and a growing culture of fear. One observers calls Suriname, a cowboy country, or a country consisting of individuals who totally disregard the law.

The paradox here is that opinion and debate on the internet is on the rise, FACEBOOK and other social network sites, as well as the primary discussion boards. Polarization Rules, there is no middle ground, people are either pro Bouterse or anti Bouterse, just like the Cubans in Miami or the Venezuelans in Cary N.C., all avid haters of Castro respective Chavez.

But as the Surinamese political and economic crises crystallizes, becoming a full blown conflict, the role of the Diaspora will become more relevant……and it will be more challenging to unify the Diaspora, under the circumstances described in this blog….and that is the hidden agenda of Surinamese government, to divide and conquer, no matter what the cost.

AUTHOR: Natascha Adama
URL: http://natascha23.blogspot.com
E-MAIL: nataliapestova23 [@] yahoo.com

The initial focus of this project is China, which has generally taken a combative approach to the Western-led human rights agenda.

The Netherlands School of Human Rights Research is partnering with China’s Institute of International Law of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Research Centre for Human Rights at Shandong University School of Law to examine the possible uses of the receptor approach in China. A June 22-23 conference launched the partnership.

I spoke at the conference on the promotion of human rights in less developed countries, and the need to build upon existing values and institutions. Among the highlights:

Models, ideas, and policies that are imported into a country without any consideration for local context can all too easily end up largely divorced from and autonomous of the societies that they are supposed to serve, producing consequences quite different from what was intended. . . .

Openness to alternative approaches can only benefit the world’s poor. New approaches are needed to help less developed countries politically, economically, and culturally. Some of these may come from strands of Western thought much neglected up to now. Some may come from non-Western sources, such as China. In most cases, the best approaches will be hybrid products that combine local experiences and knowledge with what has been learned from international sources. . . .

Campaigners for human rights will achieve more in developing countries when they seek to build on the values and institutions that people already understand and use . . .

First, the human rights agenda will be more readily accepted universally when it integrates the legitimate aspirations of all people and addresses the long-term needs of all societies. . . .

Second, frameworks that allow some local customization to needs and circumstances are much more likely to prove beneficial than a single one-size-fits-all approach. Human rights need to enhance the wellbeing of individuals, families, and societies over the long-term and not just act as isolated end products that take precedent over everything else—as often seems to be the goal today. . . .

Third, embedding human rights concepts within the traditions of Africans, Asians, Arabs, and other peoples is probably the only way for them to have a wide impact in many cases. Western ideas and concepts may often make little sense to non-Western peoples, especially when they live in less developed countries and have limited exposure to the wider world. Ideas and words may not have equivalents in local languages or be understood by the very people they are meant to help. Even when translated and understood, they may not be readily accepted, especially if the form remains highly foreign to them. . . .

Fourth, a focus on local circumstances will make the need to strengthen institutions much more apparent than is the case today. The promotion of human rights depends on the capacity of institutions. When they do not work well, or are easily hijacked by the powerful and rich, they can easily become a tool that undermines rather than enhances human rights. Indeed, most of the 3 or 4 billion poor or near poor around the globe have never met a lawyer, have never known a policeman they could trust, and have never been to a court that treated them as equals. . . . The greatest human rights problem in the world today is the weakness of institutions of law, justice, and public order that the world’s poor must face on a daily basis. . . .

Development means change on two levels: how people think and work on a micro level; and how societies organize and manage their affairs on a macro level. The advancement of human rights depends on both. The more human rights are embedded in the ways individuals and communities think and work the more widespread will be their natural bottom-up adoption. The more local institutions are capable of ensuring that laws and norms are properly followed, the more these will be able to ensure that top-down protections are in place. A judicious promotion of human rights should focus on both.

My full talk on human rights in less developed countries is available in both English and Chinese.

AUTHOR: Seth Kaplan
URL: http://www.fragilestates.org
E-MAIL: seth [at] sethkaplan.org

NL-Aid is in favor of changing the Dutch Freedom of Information Act. At this moment it only applies to govermental bodies and not to private organizations like foundations. In this way, the government can invest tax money without the posibility to monitor by the public. Politicians can hide behind the secretive policy of foundations with their closed doors. This must change. Like the Swedish model, foundations must hand over all documents and evidence to citizens if they claim.

It would give the development sector more grace than at present. The criticisms and doubts about the success rate of Dutch aid over the past 50 years, must be taken seriously. Besides, we have the right to know if our tax money is spent effectively. At this moment, we must sail on accounting audits which are not public. Foundations have no obligation of physical proof.

NGOs, charities, development organizations, The Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, foundations and politicians should proof rather than to claim. The latter remains a bit stuck in a vacuum.

NL-Aid want to emphasize that we do not believe that foundations abuse the current law but the systeem is a bit vulnerable to the effectiveness of foundations in general.

Our goal is to get 40,000 supporter. In this way, NL-Aid, is able to present this initiative to the Dutch parliament and they are obliged to treat the subject.

Please sign this petition at:
http://uitbreidingwob.petities.nl

AUTHOR: Hans Sluijter
URL: www.NL-Aid.org
E-MAIL: info [at] www.NL-Aid.org

Logo used in Veolia campaign by Dutch Palestine Committee

Pressure is growing on the Dutch regional administrative council of Haaglanden — whose major city is The Hague — to end its business with Veolia Transport because of the deep complicity of Veolia Environment with grave Israeli violations of international law. Veolia is involved in projects that strengthen Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank such as the Jerusalem Light Rail and the Tovlan landfill.

Earliers this month Dutch groups and the Palestinian human rights organization Al-Haq launched an effort to convince Haaglanden that Veolia should not be awarded the public transport contract.

This has now been joined by the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions National Committee (BNC) and the Tel Aviv-based Coalition of Women for Peace and its research project Who Profits.

Meanwhile, a majority of the Dutch Parliament called on Haaglanden to postpone the decision because of the preparation of a law to abandon tender procedures for public services in the major cities.

Palestinian civil society calls on The Hague to uphold international law by excluding Veolia
On 16 May, the BNC, the largest Palestinian civil society coalition, called upon Haaglanden regional administrative council to exclude Veolia Transport from participating in the tender for public transport in The Hague. The BNC wrote:

Veolia Environnement companies are centrally involved in the Jerusalem Light Rail, which while disguised as a municipal infrastructure project is designed to serve the approximately 200,000 illegal Jewish settlers who reside within and around occupied East Jerusalem, reinforcing the unlawful Israeli annexation of Jerusalem and facilitating plans for further colonial expansion. Veolia also operates waste collection, sewage treatment and bus services for illegal Israeli colonies in occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). Despite attempts to mislead the public, Veolia remains an active and willing accomplice to Israel’s systematic violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in the OPT.

Who Profits submits report on Veolia’s grave misconduct in Israel and Palestine?
In addition, the Tel Aviv-based Coalition of Women for Peace and its research project Who Profits wrote a letter to Haaglanden and its nine participating municipalities.

In light of the participation of Veolia in the tender, it is of utmost importance that you receive reliable information about the grave misconduct of Veolia in Israel and in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Veolia Environment and its subsidiaries are involved in violations of international law and human rights and have a record of discriminatory practices in Israel and the OPT. Civil society organizations have been campaigning to encourage Veolia to cease from these practices. Nevertheless, the company continues its extensive involvement in the occupation of Palestinian Territories and its blatant disregard of ethical guidelines and international standards of social corporate responsibility.

Rights organizations remind Haaglanden of its legal obligations
Dutch rights organizations sent a fact file and a legal opinion to Haaglanden about Veolia’s activities in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. In the legal opinion, Dutch Attorney Phon van den Biesen reminds Haaglanden that Veolia has become complicit in Israel’s ongoing violations of international law through its involvement in Israeli projects in the occupied West Bank.

States are under an obligation not to render aid or assistance to such violations and to ensure compliance by Israel with international humanitarian law. The legal obligation also applies to state bodies, including municipalities and regional administrative councils. Van der Biesen argues that companies involved in Israel’s violations of international law should not be “rewarded” with public contracts of State bodies. Moreover, if a municipality decides to ignore its duties and award a contract to such a company, it will be vulnerable to be held legally liable by parties who suffered damages from these violations of international law.

However, a spokesperson from Haaglanden has claimed that there was no need to exclude Veolia from bidding, because the information presented to them is “one-sided.”

A Different Jewish Voice and legal expert criticize Haaglanden’s position
Jaap Hamburger, chairperson of A Different Jewish Voice who participate in action to end Veolia’s role in Haaglanden’s public transport, commented: “It is too easy to call it ‘one-sided’ information. The qualification doesn’t impress me as sincere or even professional, as it is a totally unspecified reproach first of all. Furthermore, the information is well researched, extremely factual and comprehensive and sources are referred to in footnotes throughout the article. Haaglanden has huge legal and financial responsibilities towards the public. It is neglecting what it is supposed to do as a civil service body, to at least examine the information assembled, to prevent contracting with a dubious partner and possible future damage to the public cause.”

Dr. Jeff Handmaker, Senior Lecturer in Law, Human Rights and Development at Erasmus University’s International Institute of Social Studies in The Hague commented: “It’s unfortunate of Mr. Veenman [spokesperson for Haaglanden] to dismiss the position of these respected organizations as a ‘one-sided position’. In fact, it is the very same position of the Hague Municipality, which is obliged to ensure respect for international law, including the laws of war. The Haaglanden regional government should be proud to host the ‘City of Peace and Justice’ [The Hague], that is home to the International Court of Justice. In 1907, this city hosted an historic conference that led to the Hague Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land. It is well documented that the government and military of Israel have violated the Hague Convention in numerous respects, the gravest of which amount to war crimes, and that the Veolia Corporation has been directly complicit in these violations. It would be a shame if the City of Peace and Justice also became complicit in these violations and allowed Haaglanden to award the tender to Veolia. The Hague and Haaglanden should not only set a good example as a matter of principle; they are required to do so as a matter of law.”

First published at The Electronic Intifada.

AUTHOR: Adri Nieuwhof
URL: http://www.samora.org
E-MAIL: a.nieuwhof [at] samora.org

Veolia subsidiary Connex operates bus lines to illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank (Photo: Anne Paq/ActiveStills)

Dutch and Palestinian human rights organizations are calling for the Dutch regional administrative council of Haaglanden — whose major city is The Hague — to exclude Veolia Transport from bidding for a bus contract, because of the firm’s role in projects that strengthen Israel’s illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank such as the Jerusalem Light Rail and the Tovlan landfill. 

Call on Haaglanden to end its business with Veolia
Dutch rights organizations A Different Jewish Voice and United Civilians for Peace (UCP) sent a joint letter, a fact file and a legal opinion to Haaglanden about Veolia’s activities in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories. The organizations argued that Veolia should be excluded from the public tender, and that under no circumstances should it be awarded the contract to operate the public transport in Haaglanden. Yet so far, Haaglanden officials are refusing to change their policy, claiming that the information presented to them is “one-sided.”

UCP was founded by four major Dutch non-governmental organizations IKV Paxchristi, Oxfam Novib, Cordaid and ICCO. An English translation of the 12-page fact file on Veolia’s activities was published today by A Different Jewish Voice, as well as the legal opinion of Attorney Phon van der Biesen (in Dutch).

The fact file provides useful up-to-date information for activists involved in the international Derail Veolia Campaign.

The Hague: A city of peace and justice?
Palestinian human rights group Al Haq also called on Haaglanden “to reconsider its association with the Veolia Group’s businesses and to immediately exclude Veolia Transport Nederland from the public transport tender”. Al Haq said in a press release:

Participation of a company with a disputed reputation and involvement in illegal activities in the [occupied Palestinian territories] in The Hague’s public transport tender is particularly problematic, due to the city’s reputation as the “International City of Peace and Justice.” Commenting on the issue, Al-Haq Director Shawan Jabarin stated: “How can the city of The Hague consider allowing its citizens and employees of international institutions, courts and tribunals tasked with contributing towards peace and justice world wide, to make use of a public transportation service which is operated by a company involved in violations of international law?

Veolia’s complicity in Israeli violations of international law
Veolia’s role in the Jerusalem Light Rail which connects West Jerusalem with illegal settlements in occupied East Jerusalem is well-documented as is its role in Tovlan Landfill in the Jordan Valley where waste is dumped from settlements and municipalities in Israel; in the operation of bus services to illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank; and in the treatment of sewage from the settlement Modi’in Illit.

In “Time to hold Veolia to account,” Daniel Machover and I wrote about the Jerusalem Light Rail:

Israeli settlements in the OPT and the annexation of East Jerusalem are illegal under international law. Numerous UN resolutions and the 2004 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on Israel’s wall in the West Bank have confirmed this. The settlements violate Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention — which states “The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies” — as well as Article 53 forbidding destruction of property. In some cases in East Jerusalem these violations amount to war crimes, i.e. “grave breaches,” as they involve extensive appropriation of Palestinian property not justified by military necessity (see Articles 146 and 147 of the convention).

These grave breaches are being facilitated by Veolia’s part in the construction and future operation of the tramway serving the settlements. The tramway also constitutes a significant alteration of the infrastructure of the OPT contrary to the Hague Regulations of 1907, Section 3, which Israel accepts as binding international law. Through its involvement in the building and future operation of the tramway linking Israel’s illegal settlements with West Jerusalem, Veolia is facilitating Israel’s grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and is complicit in its perpetuation of those actions. In other words, Veolia is involved in aiding and abetting ongoing war crimes. It is also facilitating, exacerbating, aiding and abetting Israel’s breach of the Hague Regulations.

Many municipalities have already shunned Veolia
The fact file on Veolia sums up the city councils which adopted motions on the exclusion of Veolia from bidding for public contracts. In addition, the file lists the contracts Veolia lost in towns where Palestine solidarity activists campaigned against the company because of its involvement in Israeli violations of rights of the Palestinian people.

European law in fact empowers local municipalities to take such actions. It states that “any firm may be excluded from participation in tender competitions who has been guilty of grave professional misconduct proven by any means which the contracting authorities can justify” (Article 45 of Directive 2004/18/EC of the European Parliament and Council of 31st March 2004). This directive on the co-ordination of procedures for the award of public works contracts, public supply contracts and public services contracts provides the basis for such activism. EU member states have the obligation to implement European law in their national laws as is the case in the Netherlands.

Region Haaglanden dismisses “One-sided information”
Today, I called Jan Willem Veenman, spokesperson for Haaglanden, to learn if the administration received the documents from Al Haq, A Different Jewish Voice and UCP. He confirmed receipt, but informed me that “at the moment there was no reason to change the procedure on the basis of one-sided information.”

The Hague is the International City of Peace and Justice, after New York the second city of the United Nations, according to the city’s website. “There are 131 international organisations in The Hague, employing around 14,000 people dedicated to the cause of world peace. As far away as Sarajevo, Nairobi and Kabul, the name ‘The Hague’ represents hope: hope for millions of people that the crimes perpetrated against them will not go unpunished. Hope for a peaceful future.”

The PLO, the Palestinian Boycott Divestment and Sanctions National Committee -– representing over 170 civil organizations -– Kairos Palestine, and Al Haq have clearly protested Veolia’s role in crimes Israel perpetrated against the Palestinian people.

The Hague should live up to its reputation of “City of Peace and Justice”. It cannot write off the information of rights organizations as “one-sided.” Instead, The Hague should make sure that Haaglanden will not award the seven-year bus contract to Veolia.

First published at The Electronic Intifada.

AUTHOR: Adri Nieuwhof
URL: http://www.samora.org
E-MAIL: a.nieuwhof [at] samora.org

According to Gerbert van der Aa, journalist and historian, only 33% of the Dutch development aid is successful, another 33% fails and of the remaining 33% the effect is unclear.

It is hard to tell whether Dutch aid is effective or not. There are opponents and proponents. You figure it out! But who is right? This uncertainty is the root of the problem, because it creates no support among the Dutch people.

The Netherlands has spent € 100 billion on aid in the last 50 years, apart from private donations. This is 100% tax money. The money is decentralized through all kinds of foundations, like Oxfam Novib, Hivos, Icco and Cordaid. In the Netherlands, the Freedom of Information Act does not apply to foundations. This results to secret writings, because the tax payer cannot read or demand reports about output. Everything happens behind drawn curtains. Foundations are not very critical and only produce flyer talk. Critical passages are embedded in the transshipment of good news show. There is no transparently of the reality. Audits are focused on financial statements. It is a play of accounting figures. There is no audit on track record, output, outcome or whatsoever within vertical relations (between the Dutch government and foundations on one hand and between foundations and NGOs in the South on the other hand). Even the Dutch Inspectorate for development cooperation (Inspectie Ontwikkelingssamenwerking en Beleidsevaluatie - IOB) is not authorized to examine where our tax money is used for. There is only an accounting relationship. And even this bookkeeping (=our tax money) is not made public for the audience. We can only download overall figures.

Dutch foundations found a weapon for defense: a national mark like CBF (Central Bureau on Fundraising). The CBF is controlled by the Accreditation Council (Raad van Accreditatie, RVA) to authorize certification bodies to certify. The RVA is not a typical development organizations, but a general organisation to monitor management systems, persons or product. They do not check tax money vs the effectiveness or efficiency of aid.

Cordaid has received an ISO certification of TNO Quality. It took some effort to find this out. TNO Quality reports that they have no specific label for charities but they have a general quality standard for procedures, processes and continuous improvements. The reports are not public (of course). In short, TNO Quality has no direct relationship with aid or output. Personally I find this very remarkable. Cordaid receives an annual € 160 million to spend on subsidies. They have enough money for their administration. Why test it? To my view, if you can proof your output, the dignity of your whole organisation like the administration and management, is proven. It is the same as the abolition of school exams to evaluate the effectiveness of a school. According to Cordaid and TNO Quality one should just check out the management system of a school.

In short, this all is all very vague. My final conclusion is therefore: development organisations cannot prove their effectiveness in output for decades. On behalf of the Dutch people, the Dutch government spend € 281, – (annually) on development aid for each citizen. For a family with two children (=four people), this means € 1,125.00 per year. In 10 years this means € 14,000.00 (*). Each family will pay € 56,000.00 (*) in 25 years. Some form of justification about what happened with the tax money seems in place.
(*) = including 4% interests

Bill Gates has asked the Dutch government not to cut foreign aid as part of its current discussions on how to comply with European rules limiting deficit spending (see business News). He even invited right-wing political leader Geert Wilders to accompany him to Africa to see development aid at work (see Irish Times). Of course, if famous people get a tour they will experience beautiful things and perfect aid in balance with all stakeholders. But when a ordinary citizen is asking questions, he gets nothing. I would like to suggest Gates to pick up the phone, call USAID, introduce himself as John Smith and start asking questions about solid scientific proof concerning output. Perhaps he can also ask if USAID is willing to share audit details and accounting statements to John Smith. He may call me afterwards to share his experiences…..

Foundations have been negligent and they should look in the mirrow. They had the best cards in hand but they have ruined it themselves. With € 100 billion, Dutch foundations have not been able to create support from public opinion.

In Sweden, the Freedom of Information Act applies to all foundations. They are accountable to every citizen with questions. This is and always has been the missing link within the Dutch development sector. NL-Aid has always advocated for this idea. Until changes, I see € 1 billion in cuts only as a beginning. I am in favor of foreign aid but not if it goes along with secret writings to keep citizens in the dark.

To Mr. gates: What is quantity without quality? More of the same is not sufficient if it is not good from the start. You ask for quantity of the Dutch government, but we should start by changing the culture of aid. Only then quantity has a proper basis.

AUTHOR: Hans Sluijter
URL: www.NL-Aid.org
E-MAIL: info [at] www.NL-Aid.org

Uri Rosenthal

 Dear Minister Rosenthal,

I am writing to you regarding the section in your December 2011 Netherlands Country Report on Iraq about lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people.

While I appreciates your government’s discussion of Iraqis identifying as LGBT in the report, I am concerned that the section downplays the severe challenges and risks faced by the LGBT community in Iraq.

Your report suggests that the most significant problems facing the LGBT community in Iraq are that “homosexuality is a social taboo” and that “people are generally disapproving of homosexuality.” The situation for the LGBT community is much more dire than what the report states.

Even though in a footnote the Dutch report refers to the 2009 Human Rights Watch report “They Want Us Exterminated”: Murder, Torture, Sexual Orientation and Gender in Iraq, it does not address the alarming findings and conclusions of Human Rights Watch on the situation of LGBT people in Iraq. “They Want Us Exterminated” documents a pattern of torture and murder by Iraqi militias against men suspected of homosexual conduct or of not being “manly” enough, and of Iraqi authorities doing nothing to stop the killing. The report revealed a wide-reaching campaign of extrajudicial executions kidnappings, and torture of gay men that began in early 2009 in which, some people told Human Rights Watch, Iraqi security forces colluded and joined in the killing.

I am informed that since the publication of the report, Human Rights Watch has had several research missions to Iraq and has continued to document abuses against vulnerable groups. With respect to the LGBT community, the research indicates that members continue to live in fear because of the atrocities committed as part of the 2009 campaign. The abuses have forced members of the community to go underground; many continue to fear for their lives.

The widespread acceptance of violence against members of the LGBT community in the whole of Iraq has allowed perpetrators to act with impunity. In order to preserve their honor, family members of those killed remain silent and investigations are avoided.

Given the continued persecution of members of the LGBT community, I recommend that the government of the Netherlands update its human rights reports to more accurately reflect the risks of violence and persecution that members of Iraq’s LGBT community face. Furthermore, I urge your government to ensure that it does not return LGBT Iraqi asylum seekers to Iraq who face a real risk of persecution on account of their sexual orientation or torture or inhuman and degrading treatment or other serious human rights abuses.

AUTHOR: William Nicholas Gomes
URL: www.williamgomes.org
E-MAIL: williamgomes.org [at] gmail.com