The Myanmar government doesn’t deny its involvement in the slaughter of Rohingya Muslims, so it is accepting responsibility and cocking a snoot at Muslims. But why Bangladesh government should act like Myanmar .

As an Islamic country, the Bangladeshi government must bring to book the criminals behind such outrageous act. It’s high time they should refrain from blaming this atrocity on ‘international conspiracy. Instead of being seen in contempt and complicity Bangladesh government should track down the scoundrels behind the attack and set an example of living in peaceful co existence.

How long such action and reaction of minority persecution will go on in South Asia ? Each of us in fact is a minority in one sense or other, if we just try scratching our identities.

The best example to site could be that of Babu Bajragi, the man who orchestrated the orgy of communal violence against Muslims in Ahmedabad. He is found to be complaining that while serving life imprisonment in jail, he finds himself as a minority surrounded by the Muslims inmates as a majority.

In fact if reports are to be believed on one occasion Bajragi was even thrashed inside the prison. What more ironical story could be better than this, when we compare the demon of a person letting loose the trail of blood and mayhem against the minority Muslim during the post Godhra riots. At that time he always thought he belongs to majority community and can get away doing whatever crime against the minority.

Anyway coming back to the point, such senseless act of persecuting the minorities is going on for long in South Asia . There seem to be no remedy in sight, no one knows, when such mindless retributions is going to stop and each group would live in peace and harmony.

It is high time some concrete plan of action has to be made to address this issue. I have always been arguing that the religious, the ethnic, the linguistic minorities in south Asia can only be safe, under the umbrella of South Asian Federation.

If there are any takers of this idea let us take it forward and make South Asia a better place to live.

AUTHOR: Mujtaba Syed
URL: http://mujtabas-musings.blogspot.com
E-MAIL: syedalimujtaba [at] yahoo.com

Here is a true story of dalit women who was tied in a pole and was disrobed, severely beaten, her face painted black and her head tonsured, all done in full public view, but none come to her rescue. The poor lady begged for mercy, but the hatred and vengeance was all pervasive had she had to face the humiliation all alone.

This horrible incident took place in Jayaghanta village under Dhama police station in Sambalpur district of Odisha. The dalit woman Subidha Buda (45) was punished because her 18 year old younger daughter eloped with a local boy Sudam Mahanand, who later died in a freak accident.

The accident took place on August 12, when Subidha’s daughter and Sudam were traveling in a bus from Sambalpur to Jharsuguda a suitcase kept on the overhead luggage carrier of the seat down on Sudam’s head. This left him unconscious and was declared brought dead at the government hospital in Jharsuguda.

When the news of Sudam’s death reached the village, his relatives became boisterous. They assembled other villagers and staged a protest with the body. They blocked the main road and demanded a probe into the incident and the arrest of the culprits. They went to Subidha’s house and accused her of murder and also asked her and the family to leave the village

Terrified by the developments, Subidha and her daughter fled from Jayaghanta village to another nearby village called Baunsara, where her elder daughter lived. Her aged grandmother was left behind to look after the goats and sheeps in the house.

As soon as they left the village, one person named Khatu Khandayat took advantage of the situation and found it convenient to steal two of their goats. When Subidha came to know about it she returned home to bring back the goats.

As she went to get her goats from Khatu Khandayat’s goat shed, he became angry and dragged Subidha to the main road and punched her. Subidha tried to run for cover and looked for shelter in one Daktar’s house, but his wife refused and drove her out.

Subidha then tired to seek refuge in a nearby local club house. However, this place too did not provide her any security. She was dragged out and was tied to a pole in front of the club house. She was disrobed and beaten, face painted black and her head tonsured.

All this happened in front of the women folk of the village. They not only watched this brutal act but also kicked and punched her. They even helped in the tonsuring her head. The poor woman begged for mercy but none felt pity on her.

This is a pithy story of oppression against the dalits and minorities that quite often happens in some places in the country. The police made the arrests on the basis of a FIR filed by Subidha in Dhama police station. Ten persons were arrested on the basis of the victim’s complaint. Cases were registered against eighteen persons and efforts were on to nab the others involved.

In this particular story there was no angel of caste or class struggle. So no case was registered under the SC/ST Atrocities Act as both the complainant and the accused belonged to the same caste. Nonetheless, it portrays a very ugly facet of the rural society, generally thought to be an oasis of peace.

India villages are cluster of house which is neatly segregated into areas where a particular caste inhabits. Each locality within the village is an island on its own. The upper cast is concentrated in one part of the village and other localities are demarcated according to the caste hierarchy. The dalits normally do not find a space within the village and are settled in a near distance. This stark reality is pervasive in the entire rural landscape of the country.

AUTHOR: Mujtaba Syed
URL: http://mujtabas-musings.blogspot.com
E-MAIL: syedalimujtaba [at] yahoo.com

Within hours of each other, first a squad of 20 anti-narcotics police take to hills above Junin supposedly based on a denunciation of a plantation of coca. Hours later- and I am not making this up- a squad of 8 military personnel, all equally heavily armed- tried to establish a camp in the Junin community.

The coca connection was not the only farce of the day, however. Someone in the laughable group, perhaps the district attorney, said that there was talk of FARC roaming our hills and mountains (Farc is the rebel guerrilla group in Colombia). Any pretext to see how effective the community responds to an outside threat, to identify the leaders, and see how the community defense structure operates in real life.

This all took place on Friday, 24th of August. Which may turn out to be another watershed date in the long struggle against mining and short-sightedness in Intag and Ecuador.

But first, the police. They came with a district attorney which they try to camouflage as one of their machine-toting members. The land they were visiting happens to be an ex Copper Mesa property that the campesino owner decided he wanted to continue living there in view that the company did nothing with the land. Apparently, the company is suing the ex-owner to get him evicted. So, the police was supposed to search the land, find coca plants, arrest the perpetrator, and so forth.

Well, what happened was that Junin and nearby communities didn’t like it that a bunch of heavily armed police were trampling around their community forest reserve without their permission. According to reports, some of the police were shouldering backpacks, as if maybe they intended to stay a while. The community folks followed the cops up very steep hills and demanded an explanation. When the coca story didn’t convince anyone, they got a little mad and demanded the cops and their big guns and district attorney get the hell out of there.

Which they did.

Calm returned to the hills, valleys and communities of Intag, Ecuador. For about 4 hours.

The next ridiculousness came about when 8 military personnel, escorted by another police car, tried to go directly to the Junin community. Again, without asking permission.

Now we always are grateful when these clowns make the work of the communities easier by making dumbass mistakes such as these. And sure enough, this time a bigger crowd of about 60 campesinos and campesinas, mostly Junin residents, but also from Chalguyacu alto and Chalguyacu Bajo, came out to “welcome” the military. This they did similarly of their welcoming the paramilitaries in December of 2006, with sticks and machetes. At one point, according to an eye witness, one of the military took off the safety on his machine gun and started to aim it at one of the leaders of the crowd. That didn’t go over too well, as you can imagine, and several of the women yelled, if you’ve come to kill us, then kill us, but you are not going to Junin (yelled at fully armed military!!). The standoff lasted about 45 minutes, and well, you probably know the outcome. As with the paramilitaries in 2006, the military turned around and left for parts unknown.

What were they doing you trying to go to Junin might ask? The story, from the very mouth of the official leading the soldiers, was that they were investigating the possible presence of military personnel in the Junin area, possibly FARC, and that they were there to protect the community!! That possible presence of military, were, of course, the 20 anti-narcotics police.

I wonder what upholders of the public peace and order the government will send next to investigate the investigators.

That was this week. Last week the government was embarrassed big time when a group of 20 (twenty) employees of the National Mining Company visited a few towns to “socialize” the work the National Mining Company – ENAMI- does and talk a little bit (very little bit) about the Llurimagua mining project; formerly known as JUNIN mining project. Oh, they also came all the way from Quito to enlighten Intag residents on the results of a survey carried out by ENAMI in June (which I blogged about back then). Well, in every town the socialization went from bad to worse. It was worse in Junin where the people didn’t even let the functionaries speak and told them they were not wanted, nor wanted to be seen in their communities ever again.

In Peñaherrera it was barely better, but the result was the same, they were told to leave before they could say much at all. I was told they left in a sort of a hurry. One memorable phrase as they were leaving from a woman: WHAT PART OF NO IS IT YOU DON’T UNDERSTAND??

Garcia Moreno went a little better for them, they were able to give reign to their bull to about 90 people. However, at the end, everyone saw how little they said and how much they were holding back. People were not pleased when they were unable or unwilling to answer some rather important questions (such as what is the Codelco connection with Enami). End result: people distrusted ENAMI and the employees, many thought they were being lied to, and that basically, they were no different than the Canadians.

The meeting in Apuela was a total fiasco for the Enami employees. Hardly anyone came out to hear them on a market day, a day where hundreds of people visit Apuela. It was embarrassing how bad they lied to the few of us who were there. One of the things that pissed off a few people was that they did not mention CODELCO, the Chilean company who was given the green light by Correa and company to start digging around Junin’s pristine cloud forests after the second semester of 2013. Enami is just there for the show and to pave the way for Codelco (the world’s largest copper producer). The presentation was so bad that I felt bad for the Emanies. No one took the Pepsis and potato chips that they had brought for snacks.

And this is how the most recent episodes of the new season of Mining in Paradise unfolded here in Intag in the past couple of weeks.

Do stay tuned, because all of this soldering and phony police presence has to lead up to something. Correa is too much in debt to the Chinese and too much in need of money to keep afloat his populist programs. Which is kind of weird because the Canadian companies recently pressured the President to sharply curtailed the windfall taxes on mineral extraction (the details will soon be known). What this means, is less money for the government. So, go figure. I suppose it has much to do with the government’s insistence of receiving cash before mines open in advanced payment of royalties and other taxes. Or just plain greed by the mining companies, who do not like, and are not used to, paying more than the minimum they can get away with.

FINALLY, (Tis late for me),, today was the day of the wonderful INTAG LIBRE anti-mining song, dance, and theather festival in the town of Magdalena Bajo. Hundreds of folks from Quito, Otavalo, Cotacahi, and many many from Intag, showed up, first to hear a forum on the mining hassles afflicting the country, but then for music and fun. As soon as I get some photos and more reports, I hope to share (i was only there for the first part of the event)

AUTHOR: Carlos Zorrilla
URL: http://decoin.org
E-MAIL: toisan06 [at] gmail.com

Dear Sir/Madam,

I want to bring in your kind attention towards the attack happening with minorities in south Asian Country and every day we are looking in the newspaper/news channel. On this serious concern Asian Association for Communal Harmony (ACHA) had launched signature campaign with the given below pledge:

I will not intentionally use my hands or my words to harm anyone
I will treat my sister and daughter with at least as much love and respect as I treat my brothers and sons.
I will treat all my neighbours as deserving of my respect, regardless of their class, caste, sect or religion and
I will practice environment –friendly practices in my daily life.
It is an appeal to the all Government in South Asia to provide security to minorities and promoting human dignity, reconciliation, tolerance and a free and peaceful society.

Please sign this petition here: http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/acha-members-pledge/

Thanking You

AUTHOR: Dr Lenin Raghuvanshi
URL: http://www.pvchr.net/
E-MAIL: pvchr.india [at] gmail.com

Sheikh Hasina

Mrs. Sheikh Hasina, Prime Minister, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, pm@pmo.gov.bd or ps1topm@pmo.gov.bd or psecy@pmo.gov.bd

RE: Bangladesh: Immediately protect the Hindu minorities under attack in Dinajpur

Dear Prime Minister,

I am William Nicholas Gomes, Human Rights Ambassador for Salem-News.com.

I have come to know about the alarming attacking on hindu minorities at chirrirbandar upazila in Dinajpur district form a report of bdnews24.

According to the report published in bdnews24, zealots set on fire at least 20 houses belonging to Hindus and looted their valuables following a dispute over building a mosque in the minority community-dominated area at Chirirbandar upazila in Dinajpur district on Saturday.

The incident took place at Rajapur village under Amarpur union council and its adjacent Majpara village under Abdulpur union council at 10am, although Section 144 had been in force in apprehension of deterioration of law and order situation in the area, media report

Eight people have so far been arrested for their alleged involvement in the arson attack and vandalism, Chirirbandar Upazila Executive Officer (UNO) Rashidul Mannaf Kabir told reporters.

However, the locals have blamed none other than the UNO himself for allegedly instigating the attack.

Dinajpur Deputy Commissioner (DC) Jamal Uddin told bdnews24.com: “A lot of people gathered suddenly and launched the attack. But no incident like killing took place as the law enforcers were ready.”

The authorities had imposed Section 144 barring all sorts of gathering in the area following tension over building of mosque, he said.

“But,” he added, “We didn’t guess that so many people would gather.”

The authorities also formed a committee, headed by Additional District Magistrate Abdul Malek, to investigate the allegation against the Upazila administration of instigating the attack.

According to the DC, 35 families living in 12 houses were harmed. “They have been provided help. The process to file a case over the matter is underway. The criminals will be held.”

Earlier, UNO Kabir told reporters that people from the Hindu community of the area had obstructed building of a mosque over a land given by one Hamida Banu at Balaibazar of Amarpur three-four days ago.

The local authorities had urged both sides to reach a consensus and imposed Section 144 fearing violence, he said. “Police were also deployed.”

“But, 1,500-2,000 people with sticks attacked the houses of the Hindus at Rajapur village around 10am today (Saturday),” he said.

The attackers also vandalised six to seven houses of Hindus at Majpara of Abdulpur around 1pm, he said.

Police brought the situation under control by charging baton and firing rubber bullets, he added.

Amarpur Union Parishad Chairman Liakat Ali told bdnews24.com that 20-22 houses of Hindus in the two villages were vandalised and torched.

“The attackers were from other areas. There were people from Parbatipur, too,” he added.

Talking about victims Prafulla Roy, Khitish Roy, Subhash Chandra and Jogeshwar, the Editor of a local newspaper Desh Barta, Chitta Ghosh, said they were attacked all of a sudden.

The attackers also torched their houses and took away livestock and even the tubewells, he said.

After visiting the place, Chitta Ghosh said, “Local people have alleged that the speech delivered while miking the imposition of Section 144 was instigative. The situation got worse after the miking.”

While miking the imposition of Section 144, the announcer said, “Section 144 has been imposed following mounting of tension, as people from the Hindu community have obstructed building of a mosque.”

I want to draw your urgent attention it was one of your promise during the last election that you will protect and promote the rights of the minorities.

I am observing for few months that attacks on minorities is increasing and the law enforcement agencies are playing very dubious role.

I will ask you, please take proper initiative that hindu minorities on the area get proper police protection.

Please order the local authorities to take proper measure to maintain peace and harmony in the area and ask the law enforcement agencies to impartial role.

AUTHOR: William Nicholas Gomes
URL: www.williamgomes.org
E-MAIL: williamgomes.org [at] gmail.com

One of the sayings in our country is Ubuntu — the essence of being human. Ubuntu speaks particularly about the fact that you can’t exist as a human being in isolation. It speaks about our inter-connectedness. You can’t be human all by yourself, and when you have this quality ‘Ubuntu’ — you are known for your generosity. We think of ourselves far too frequently as just individuals, separated from one another, whereas you are connected and what you do affects the whole world. When you do well, it spreads out; it is for the whole of humanity.

Bishop Desmond Tutu (2008)

Our xenophobia is reflected in the words we use — ‘malus’ to talk about Indians or Hindus, ‘mauras’ to talk about Urdu-speaking communities in Bangladesh, ‘chinkus’ to talk about indigenous communities, ‘phiringee’ to talk about Christians, and so on. Anyone who is slightly different from us needs a name that is derogatory and we put all our venom and spite into the name and spit it out. And this spite does not stop with national, religious or ethnic identities. We also pick on our other favourite targets — the gender minorities. The hijras have many names, effeminate men are referred to as ‘half ladies’, homosexual men don’t need names because they can just be beaten up in public, and then there are the women, who have many different names, we can pick and choose from the various terms to harass them on the streets, abuse them inside the homes or publicly humiliate and torture them and justify it using the convenient term ‘fatwa’. Let’s face it, we are a pretty intolerant society. If you don’t fit into the majoritarian formula you better watch out!

So maybe I should not have been outraged when I saw the term ‘intruders’ being used by the news media in Bangladesh to refer to the Rohingya refugees who were fleeing persecution in Myanmar’s Rakhine province. The predominantly Muslim Rohingyas have been desperately seeking refuge in Bangladesh after a recent spate of persecution began in the Rakhine province since June 3. The citizens of the country expressed concern. Bangladesh has too many problems already, why should they take on the problems of another country? How can a small country like Bangladesh give room to so many people? The Rohingyas are religious extremists and they are being patronised by Jamaat-e-Islami. Foreign ministry officials and international relations experts commented that giving shelter to the refugees would ‘have a negative impact in Bangladesh-Myanmar relations.’ Some journalists expressed suspicion about why international human rights organisations were so interested in this. An influx of refugees was after all a threat to the country’s sovereignty and they shouldn’t be meddling in our business.

I wondered how the one-day-old boy Sangram (meaning struggle), who was born in the Saint Martin’s Island the day her mother arrived there from Myanmar was a threat to our country’s sovereignty. I wondered how their supposed links with Jamaat negated their right to live. Have we forgotten our shock and despair when our people where being racially profiled by the US State Department for being ‘potential terrorists’ because our friends’ names started with ‘Muhammad’ or they wore a hijab?

The foreign minister has repeatedly asserted that the government of Bangladesh is under no obligation to give refuge to the Rohingyas as it has not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention. Surprisingly, even the NHRC chairperson seemed to agree with this, when he said Bangladesh had not signed any international conventions which compelled them to take in refugees. I wondered if it was really crucial for us as a nation to have a law, or an international obligation, to tell us that we needed to save lives of people in distress. Were we missing the trees for the forest?

Bill Frelick, refugees director at Human Rights Watch, expressed his despair at the situation: ‘It is tragically ironic that Bangladesh has closed its border and is making forced returns on World Refugee Day. This is a reminder that the fundamental principles of refugee protection still need to be respected.’ Some concerned citizens reminded the government about the generosity of our neighbouring country during war, when large numbers fled to India for safety in 1971 during the national war of liberation.

Security forces have shot and killed an unknown number of Rohingyas and mobs have burned down numerous homes. The Myanmar government’s human rights record is so bad that the UN has a special rapporteur just to monitor the situation of human rights in the country. So asking the Myanmar government to stop the atrocities does not take away Bangladesh’s responsibility of taking immediate steps to save the lives of the escaping Rohingyas.

No one chooses to leave one’s motherland for another under such circumstances without a good reason. And let’s face it, the life of a poor refugee is miserable. It is out of sheer desperation that a person chooses to be labelled a ‘refugee’ or worse ‘an intruder’, with no national identity or any of the benefits that comes with citizenship. The fear of getting killed in one’s own country because of one’s religious identity is as desperate a situation as it can get. Yes, Myanmar must immediately stop persecuting its people; yes, the international community must put pressure on the Myanmar government to stop the atrocities. But an immediate humane and civilised act for Bangladesh is to give shelter to these helpless people, until Myanmar sorts out its mess. The international community, including the UNHCR, must come forward to help Bangladesh in doing so and it appears from their statements that they are willing to do so. The government of Bangladesh must look at this crisis from the humane point of view and give Rohingyas refuge in our country until it is safe for them to go back.

AUTHOR: Hana Shams Ahmed
URL: http://hanashams.wordpress.com
E-MAIL: hana.shams.ahmed [at] gmail.com

Speaking in Nairobi at the first regional conference on forest by the International Union of Forest Research Organisations and the Forestry Research Network of sub-Saharan African (FORNESSA), Wekesa said the Masai who have lived with the wild animals for generations know the economic importance of lions and wildlife in general and “it is puzzling as to why they would rise up against wildlife now,” he said.

“There are a group of people out to economically cripple Kenya’s economy, and not the Masai. These people are merely camouflaging as Masai but we are doing our investigations,” he said.

He said the Masai have known the importance of the lions living in their midst. The Masai have always lived with the lions. They are a group of economic saboteurs. The masai as they are known understand the importance of wildlife.

“A lion today is so much worth to Kenya in terms of the economy and the government is so concerned of the development,” he said.

He said the government has taken strategic measures to deal with the matter. It plans to take to parliament a Wildlife Draft Bill, which had been pending for some years now but got delayed with the promulgation of the new constitution.

Following the constitutional development, the Attorney General called for withdrawal of all bills to allow for harmonization with the new constitution.

Wekesa said that the recent development has forced the government to move with speed to have the Bill redrafted with stiffer penalties.

“This has been done and the Bill is now queuing up for cabinet discussion,” he said.

Wekesa said the Bill allows for adequate compensation for livestock loss, damage to crops and addresses the issue of punishment.

“Any death or loss from wildlife, will be properly be compensated,” he said.

Currently, livestock damage is paid Ksh50, 000, human death is paid KSh200, 000 and no compensation for crop damage.

As it is today, the punishment is light and offenders can kill a wild animal and pay Ksh50, 000 with a smile and st6ill return to kill more.

As a short term measure, the minister has instructed KWS to remove all the lions in people’s wildlife sanctuaries back to the government-managed national parks.

“This will however affect the communities as they have also been benefitting from the wildlife sanctuaries they have created.

Wildlife experts say 70 per cent of Kenya’s wildlife is in community lands.

The government is also engaging communities to create wildlife corridors to allow wildlife to move. So far, corridors have been done in Kwale and Aberdares and allow wildlife to move freely as they search for water and pasture without interference from settlements.

Meanwhile, Wekesa has called for use of modern technologies to resolve challenges Africa faces in the conservation of her forests.

He said scholarly demand often appears out of tune with reality where quick solutions are needed.

Pointing out that forests are endangered by poverty and illiteracy, Wekesa said only research can step in with workable solutions despite poor funding.

In bid to help improve on forest cover , Wekesa said the government has engaged the private sector and local communities to conserve and restore degraded forest areas by enacting a law that requires at least 10 per cent of land both in public and privately owned is set aside for trees.

AUTHOR: Henry Neondo
URL: http:// www.africasciencenews.org
E-MAIL: neondohenry [at] yahoo.com

UNPFII logo

Feminist researcher Bina D’Costa and I were recently discussing a range of obstacles faced by the Jumma [1] women’s movement as well as all indigenous women’s movement today. D’Costa observed that one of the challenges that confront women’s political activism and rights based movements is to forge meaningful alliances and re-build linkages with indigenous human rights and women’s groups that the latter could also embrace as their own. Although in recent years a lot of mainstream Bengali women’s rights activists have spoken out about violence against indigenous women, there are still some communities, like the tea plantation workers and Saotal and Khasi women, whose issues have only been very sparsely addressed. And this is reflected in a lot of the national and international reporting on women’s rights.

The other side of this is of course how the indigenous leadership, including women leaders, has persistently failed to include women’s voices in high level forums. This year, despite the increasing number of cases of violence against women and girls in the indigenous areas in Dinajpur and in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, there were no indigenous women representing at the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII). Also, of course the debate is much larger than the Forum itself. It is just a symptom of the crisis in the women’s movement, a crisis that plagues all nationalist or even issue-based movements. It reminds me about how some men, demonstrating for their own democratic rights at Tahrir Square during the ‘Arab Spring’, had swooped on women journalists and sexually assaulted them, about how, questions about race and gender marginalization continue to be raised at present in America’s Occupy Wall Street movement.

Kalpana, a feminist activist had recognized the sexual/gendered politics within her own community much earlier, as Meghna Guhathakurta observes in her article ‘Kalpana’s lasting contribution’ (New Age, June 12, 2008). Guhathakurta writes, “…in most nationalist or ethnic movements the gender question becomes a subtext to the larger ‘national’ one.”

In a similar vein, D’Costa in her recent book Nationbuilding, Gender and War Crimes in South Asia (Routledge, 2011) notes that “structural factors and strategic choices have shaped the outcomes of particular policies followed by women’s movements within the country.” Perhaps this is also true of the Jumma women’s movement.

Kalpana was ‘vanished’ 16 years ago on this day, a day before the national parliamentary elections. Her brother Kalicharan recognized the military officer Lieutenant Ferdous Kaiser Khan of Kojoichari Army camp who, accompanied by 7-8 others in plainclothes, came to their house at 1:30 in the morning, blindfolded her and her brothers, and took them away. Her brothers returned. Kalpana is still ‘missing’. Despite overwhelming evidence against the Army officers, numerous calls for justice from national and international human rights activists, and several layers of ‘investigations’, there has been no development.

Kalpana was the general secretary of the Hill Women’s Federation, a student at the Baghaichari Kachalang College. Friends who knew her talked about her outspoken protest against army occupation in the CHT. After her death, the discovery of her diary and letters exchanged with comrades of the movement revealed her single-minded determination to fight against Bengali colonialism through militarization. Sixteen years after her disappearance Raja Devasish Roy speaks to New Age about meeting her, about her life and the investigation of the case and the effect of her struggle, in life and ‘disappearance’, on the Jumma women’s movement of today.

Raja Devasish Roy is the chief of the Chakma Administrative Circle, an official body, and the traditional raja of the Chakma community. He’s also an expert member of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) for 2011-13. Barrister Devasish Roy is an advocate at the Supreme Court of Bangladesh.

HSA: In her life and in her disappearance, Kalpana Chakma has become an icon of the Jumma feminist movement. Her fights were not just against military oppression, but also the discrimination within the greater Jumma movement led by men. What do you think were the strongest areas in her struggle?

RDR: Three things, among others: (a) her deep insights into internal and externally-originated gender-based and other discrimination (b) her conviction, despite the odds, to struggle against the denial of the right of self-determination and against gender-based discrimination at the same time and (c) her moral courage to speak out and act based on those beliefs and convictions.

HSA: Please tell New Age readers a little about your interactions with her.

I met her only once, and briefly, at the house of the headman of her village in New Lalyaghona, which I was visiting, along with my (now late) wife and family, some months before her disappearance. She had joined the local people in welcoming our entourage and being hospitable to the guests.

HSA: How do you think her ideology and struggles are relevant to the Jumma women’s movement today?

Her courageous stand is a source of inspiration to Jumma women today to not give up the struggle, and to stay focused on the goal of ending discrimination against women, within their own society and overall, and of struggling for self-determination against racist and discriminatory forces.

HSA: I feel that the strength of the Jumma women is not the same as it was before the 1997 CHT ‘Peace’ Accord. This is reflected in the fact that the prevalence of sexual violence against Jumma women has grown, but there seems to be little in the way of retribution. Is it because of a crisis within the Jumma women’s movement or is it something else? What are your thoughts on this?

RDR: The Bangladeshi state is yet to learn to deal in context-specific ways with the pervasive discrimination practiced against Jummas and other indigenous peoples in general, and against Jumma women in particular. In combating sexual violence against indigenous women, there is a need for context-specific measures on prevention, deterrence, punishment and rehabilitation through legislative, judicial, executive and programmatic acts. Awareness-raising of communities is also essential. The aforesaid measures need to be informed by enquiry, assessment, analysis. The primary responsibility lies with the state. However, civil society as a whole shares this burden too. Jumma society as a whole has done little in this regard. Before the 1997 CHT Accord, women’s groups, such as the Hill Women’s Federation, had its own distinct identity, and relative autonomy, from regional political groups. This is no longer the case, both with regard to women’s organizations and those of students and youth. The Hill Women’s Federation – of which Kalpana was an office-bearer – in the case of both the Jana Samhati Samiti (JSS) and the United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) are now little more than passive adjuncts to the aforesaid parties. Some of the women’s groups that are not affiliated with any political party have done admirable work. However, their work is limited to the urban centres, partly a result of insufficient support from national and regional political parties and human rights groups.

HSA: What do you think human rights activists generally and the Jumma women activists should do to put national and international pressure on the Government to solve the case of Kalpana Chakma’s disappearance? As a lawyer, what do you think are the legal loopholes and how can they be overcome?

RDR: The Bangladeshi state has not learnt to take effective measures against its errant security personnel when they have violated human rights, particularly if the matter concerns incidents in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Legally, there are no impediments to take punitive measures, as there is no limitation for such crimes, and security forces are not legally exempt from prosecution in such cases. If Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s assassination can be pursued decades after the event, so should it be in the case of crimes against others from humbler origins and acuter situations of disadvantage. And it can be so.

However, we cannot overlook the fact that the law is prevented from taking its own course on account of the lack of political support to end this culture of impunity, where members of the security forces and others are implicated. The intervention of the Supreme Court may be sought. The jurisdiction of the international human rights mechanisms can also be invoked, combined with media and other campaigns within and outside Bangladesh. I feel that a combined approach is necessary.

In the long run, I am confident that justice will prevail. For Kalpana, for Sagori, for Sujata, Alpana, Bishakha and countless others. We cannot and should not give up.

[1] The hill people identify themselves as ‘Jummas’ collectively, which refer to their use of shifting cultivation (Jhum cultivation).

AUTHOR: Hana Shams Ahmed
URL: http://hanashams.wordpress.com
E-MAIL: hana.shams.ahmed [at] gmail.com

People are again back in streets shouting slogans of ethnic based federalism. Perhaps, it has just been weeks in scenario of the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly that was nominated by the people and within weeks political puppets are on streets demanding need of ethnic based federalism. To understand the need of federalism we have to understand the cultural and social state of the country. This country was unified by late king Prithivi Narayan Shaha who by his visionary leadership and strategies created NEPAL and it is his contribution that we have this country. Thousands of Nepalis have contributed their blood and sweat to hold its unity where today it’s on the verge of loosing its identity. Ethnic Federalism for who and why is my question to all. Don’t we have enough right to earn our lives, dont we have rigths to speak in our own language, don’t we have rights to do what we want?

Understanding the relativity, the so called vested interest of the invisible forces have been pressuring the government and the so called leaders with regards of making their selfish motive of power and bureaucracy have jeopardize the situation.

Before shouting slogans of ethnic based federalism first we have to understand its meanings, after that we have understand the pros and cons of its adaptation. Some of the experts have also argued that pros and cons of ethnic based federalism is not a testing phase for anyone, it’s about the lives and future of millions of Nepalese which needs to be understood. Likewise, on the other side there are more loses than wining situation as our practice would be limited in giving rights to a few of the cultural groups discriminating other, its just the matter of practicing racialism.

As such there will be greater chance of conflict and confusion which can result in unavoidable situation and action like cultural cleansing and mass killing, communal difference etc.

How can we demand equality in the name of divide? It’s just the matter of time and understanding and making it right rather than complaining and dividing the country into fractions. Political leaders are happy because they will have more seats and options to play their dirty games but on the lighter side its on the public who have to face the burden from administrative to operation cost. Moreover there are issues of resource sharing and scarcity of infrastructure so to say the individual province will be stronger within its self will be a completely wrong statement.

My question to all leaders are what are you people thinking enough is enough its high time to think about the country than to individual party and difference.

AUTHOR: Shreedeep Rayamajhi
URL: http://www.rayznews.com
E-MAIL: weaker41 [at] gmail.com

Nepal burns in agony of identity crisis, from past few weeks Nepal has been in a crisis situation of political deadlock and lack of understanding in between the communities. Nepal was declared Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal in May 2008 but still after 4 years Nepal has not been able to address the issue of constitution where on contrary federalism practice stands as a huge hindrance. With political chaos and disagreement in between, the situation has extended from table talks to the Identity crisis at individual level. The major city areas have been tensed where everyday protesters and agitators are seen or heard chanting slogans of ethnic based federalism.

In recognition of their identity, the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationality (NEFIN) had organized a 3 days shut down program which has prolonged the situation. From the past three days life of Nepal has completely halted. The third of the Nepal shutdown program was seen very violent and aggressive in every aspect of agitators protesting in the streets to attacking public property.

NEFIN, has been pressuring Nepal Government for ethnic federalism and secured identity and rights of the indigenous groups. The government on the other side is very positive towards the issue but due to lack of understanding and cooperation for ethnic federalism from public sector, the government is holding its cards about the issue. Though large numbers of police personnel have been deployed but their involvement is very inactive in every aspect of making the public secure. Openly journalists have been beaten up while covering the news and the government keeps its silence. The general secretary of the NEFIN, Ang Kaji Sherpa directly threatens journalists for being bias and not covering their news and the government keeps its silence.

Likewise the chairman of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Puspa Kamal Dahal has been in controversy with his provocative speeches and assurances to different NEFIN representative. Speculation and rumor has it that this is being done to deteriorate the law and order situation so that the State of Emergency can be declared. This would certainly give the Prime minister and his party a firsthand chance to escape the last deadline of the constitution declaration date of 27 may 2012 and do what they want.

AUTHOR: Shreedeep Rayamajhi
URL: http://www.rayznews.com
E-MAIL: weaker41 [at] gmail.com